The Chamba Migration and the Origin of

Bali Nyonga

**From Tintanji, Vincent., Gwanfogbe, Mathew., Nwana, Elias., Ndagam, Gwanua., and Lima, Adolf Sema. (1988)
An Introduction to the Study of Bali Nyonga: A Tribute to His Royal Highness Galega II, Traditional Ruler of Bali-Nyonga from 1940-1985.

Yaounde: Stardust Printers.

A Summary by  Lilian N. Ndangam

 

Bali Nyonga belongs to the Chamba lecko group - an entity that migrated from Chamba around River Faro in the Nigeria-Cameroon border and settled in the Benue plain around circa 1600. Many conflicting theories abound to the origins of the Chamba. Though the precise itinerary of the Chamba migration is not universally agreed upon, the most plausible and oft cited however remains the view that the Chamba together with the Bata were one of the many Sudanese groups that migrated from the Borno empire and settled around Lake Chad at the beginning of 10h Century AD. In the face of desertification, increased famine, and the ambitious expanding of the Islamic Kanem Borno empire, the Chamba group along with other non-muslim Sudanese groups decided to move south. Settling in the Benue around circa 1600, the banks of River Faro and River Dewo, provided ample vegetation for their cattle. Nevertheless, at the beginning of the 18th Century with increased famine in the area, the Chamba  moved westwards into Junkun country (still in the Benue) under the leadership of Loya Garbosa where they subdued the declining Kororofa Kingdom. From here they moved Southwards to Kontcha, concluding an alliance with the Buti. Continuing eastwards into Ngaoundere, the Chamba absorbed the Kufad –a clan of Mbum. Chamba-Fulani relations had been characterised by a long peaceful coexistence. The cattle breeding Fulani and the farmer hunter Chamba maintained good relations within the Kanem Borno empire. Historians point to the similarities in dressing and musical instruments such as the Danga and the Lela flute, flag bearing, as well as horse riding as products of this socialisation. However, in the face of the Fulani jihad which began in 1815, some Chamba clans resisting the ambitious expansion of the Islamic empire, and under the leadership of Gawolbe (C1790-1836) the group again moved south westwards in 1825 through Banyo where the Chamba incorporated large numbers of  the Peli, Mboum and Buti and the Tikars commonly known in Bali Nyonga as Tikali. Settling for a while near Bamun, the Chamba attempted to exploit a longstanding conflict between the Bati and Bamun to attack Bamun and incorporate it to the Chamba. Though failing to subjugate the Bamun, the Chamba subsequently amalgamated some of the Bati and moved further south into Bagam which they conquered. Some historians refer to the Bati elements incorporated here as ‘Ti Galwolbe’. Moving from there, the Bali Chamba headed through Bamenjinda and Babaju and into Bamenda. In the course of this, they fought with the people of Bafreng, Mankon, Bafut Bapinyin, Meta and Moghamo.  Settling in Dschang, the Chamba were met with fierce resistance from the inhabitants of Dschang. This led to the death of Gawolbe in the battle of Bafu-Fundong near Djuitisa. The Chamba then moved north-westwards and camped near Bagam in order to re-organise and select a new leader. Most grass field traditions still point to the Bali Chamba as warriors. It is believed that the attractive nature of the vegetation in these areas was irresistible to the horses of the Chamba prompting the group’s movement further southwards. The Bali Chamba are thus credited with having introduced the horse to the southern part of the country. Tradition holds that the constant movement of the Chamba was as a result of their search for land fertile enough to avoid the occurrence of famine.

 

THE CHAMBA SPLIT

The successor of Gawolbe was Gangsin but he proved unpopular and too weak to wield the Chamba together and establish a strong and united kingdom. Consequently, there emerged many postulants to the throne. The tensions between the rivals provoked a split between the Chamba elements. This split was to lead to the formation of seven distinct principalities.  

1/ Bali Kumbat (Nepkolbi)

Led by Galega, this was the largest and probably the most influential group among the Chamba, they moved North-westwards waging wars against Bambili, Bambui and the Tikars of Ndop plain, finally defeating the Bamumkumbit and settling on their hilltop position. It is claimed that their leader Galega was an influential retainer who carried many palace secrets with him.

2/ Bali- Gangsin (Donep)

This group equally moved North-westwards and settled south-east of Bali Kumbat.

3/ Bali-Gashu (Gasonep)

Led by Ga-Nyam, the group first moved to the site of present day Bali-Gham befoe moving further northwards and settling to the east of Bali-Kumbat.

4/ Bali-Gham (Nepgavilbi)

Led by Ga-Sanga, the group moved to Bagham Nindeng where they acquired their locational name before settling in their present site near Santa.

5/ Bali Muti

This group travelled via Wum and settled in Takun which is located in present day Tabara State in Nigeria. It is one of 15 local government areas in Tabara state.

6/ Bali Nkohntan

This group settled in Kuform in the present Bali-Nyonga subdivision. They were subsequently assimilated by their Bali Nyonga cousins. This explains why unlike other Balis, Bali Nyonga today flies two flags (tutuwan) 

7/ Bali Nyonga.

Led by Nyongpasi, son of Princess Na’nyonga, this group first moved to Tsen (Kuti or Kupare) located on the southern part of the Bamun region. Here, they renewed relations with the Bati seen as recalcitrant subjects of the Bamun Some theories hold that an attempted alliance with the Bati against the Bamun failed and prompted them to move from the area. Together with the recalcitrant Bati elements, in C1848 they moved towards Bamenda waging a series of wars against eastern Bamileke groups such as the Bangante, the Bansoa and Bamunju. In Bamenda, they made a blood treaty with the Fon of Bafreng and stayed there for seven years before pursuing their Nkohtan breathren to Kuform. Defeating the latter, Bali Nyonga incorporated this group as well as its Baku, Mudum and Kenyang subjects in 1855 and settled in the area. Nyongpoasi later became Fonyonga I the first ruler of Bali Nyonga.

 

Bali Nyonga and the Origins of Mungaka

  Of all the existing Chamba groups, Bali Nyonga is the only one to have evolved another language almost to the extinction of Mubakh which is spoken by the rest of the Chamba group. After settling in their present site, the Bali Nyonga constantly faced aggression from Bali Kumbat. However, at the battles of Paila and Ngwa’ndikang in C.1875, the Bali Kumbat suffered a heavy defeat from Bali Nyonga. Most of their leaders were killed. These skirmishes were to be of greater significance in the subsequent differences that developed between the Bali Nyonga and the other Chamba elements. Owing to the necessity to distinguish between the troops in battlefield communication, the Bali Nyonga adopted a totally different language that could enable it keep secrets away from their Bali Kumbat aggressors. The coexistence between the Bali Nyonga and the Bati was instrumental in initiating the latter’s language into Bali Nyonga. The result was the development of Mungaka considered as an amalgamation of Bati and Bamun although it is possible that other languages might have impacted on the development of Mungaka. Some theories hold that incipient Mungaka was a pidginized form of language derived from a fusion of Bati, Bamun and other Bamileke languages. For a long time, Mubakoh and Mungaka existed side by side but by 1889, Mubakoh had gradually been relegated to a court language while Mungaka was the lingua franca. Bati language is the mother tongue of what subsequently developed as Mungaka. Thus, there still exists some linguistic affinity between the Mungaka and the Bati language. For instance the Mungaka name for ‘horse’ is ‘Nyam Bani’ which literally means ‘Bali animal’. Some Mungaka linguists hold that this appellation is probably derived from the Bati and or the Bamun who acknowledged the Chamba people were horsemen. The eclectic nature of the Bali Nyonga people means that the language continued to borrow from other languages. As a result of early trade between Cameroonian and Nigerian tribes, Mungaka came to borrow from Ejagham and the Bayangi in Manyu and the Efik in Nigeria. Though these languages are not spoken widely in Bali, they are quite popular in the domain of traditional singing and dancing particularly with the Nyangkwe dance. Outside Bali Nyonga, Mungaka became a lingua-franca for non-native speakers. Used as a language of communication in many parts of the Northwest, enjoying the status of other widely spoken languages such a Douala, Ewondo and Fufulde. The adoption of Mungaka as a language of communication by the Basel Mission Church when they arrived the country in 1903, led to an extensive and intensive use of Mungaka for both church and secular interactions. It was subsequently initiated into formal education. Mungaka became one of the first Cameroonian languages to be codified. Through the diligent work of the Basel missionaries who found the Mungaka phonetically less complicated and easier to learn, the codification of Mungaka began. Based on a slightly modified orthography of German, a Mungaka vocabulary glossary was soon developed.  By 1915, a translation of Bible stories was available in Mungaka. However, with relatively few people schooled in Mungaka, and with many native speakers unable to properly use the Mungaka orthography, some people have developed an anglicised orthography which results in an unorthodox but fairly intelligible script. (eg ‘Bang’-walking stick and ‘tang’-arithmetic. Nevertheless, whilst the written form of Mungaka is formal and standardized, the spoken form remains less formal and more diversified characterized by code switching and/or mixing various forms of linguistic interference. Hence the name of a horse in

 

The Political Organisation of Bali-Nyonga

 

Executive

The Fon: Constitutional head and military head.

Constitutional Cabinet:

Assist the Fon in his daily administrative duties. Positions within the cabinet must be filled by the Fon on his ascent to the throne. The posts are Mfomungwi, Tita Sikod, Tita Sama, Tita Nyagang (of the Lela society) and Mamfon and the Tutuwan-non hereditary positions that can be renewed at the discretion of the Fon on his ascent to the throne.

  K ah Mfomungwi (The Queen)

This position, unique to Bali Nyonga, is filled by the Fon’s half sister, dates from the time of Nah Nyonga, the female progenetor of Bali Kings. The Kah Mfomungwi acts as a deputy to the fon and can substitute the fon in many functions. She has a compound of her own and dresses in royal garments (one with a moon behind its back) during public ceremonies and sits on a throne next to the Fon. Because of the male dominated nature of Bali society, the Kah Mfonmungwi has turned out to be more of a figure-head than a real administrative assistant to the Fon.

Tita Sikod

This is the military commander of the Fon’s bodyguards. He is usually the son of a princess (daughter of the reigning or dead fon) and is also an ex-officio member of the Sama group. He is responsible for the security of the Fon in public ceremonies.He helps the Tsinted organise food and gunpowder distribution during public manifestation. When the Nkom Ngong is appointed, he takes him from the palace gates to the other Kom who then take him round the piazza to present newly appointed individual to the public.

Tita Sama

This is usually an uncle of the ruling fon and is selected from the maternal family of the late Fon. Thus he is usually an ex-officio of the Sama. He takes care of the fon’s business such as organising and hosting funerals for the fon’s wives and children.In ritual ceremonies he enjoys a place of honour and may sit on the ‘grass mat’(sadliga) which is usually reserved for the Fon. Enjoys the honorific address of ‘mo’ which is a prerogative of Princes and Fonte.

Tita Nyagang

The head of the military wing of Lela, this person is usually selected from the original Yani stock and initiated in the conduct of Lela rites. In public ceremonies he may substitue the fon in offering sacrifices. He personally leads the flag bearers (tutuwan) in their military display during Lela festivities. Though not of royal origin, he equally enjoys the honorific address of ‘mo’. 

Ma Mfon (Ganua)

The king’s mother. She is anointed after the funeral rites are completed and acts as an adviser to the king. She has her own compound.

 

The Traditional Council:

This body was originally comprised of the Kom Kwatat, the Fonte and some Tsinted and acted as a consultative council. The fon consulted each group separately and convoked all in a plenary to announce decisions. However, under the reign of Galega II, the traditional council was reorganized to include the Sama, Nwana, Bon Mfon (royal children) and the Yefana (youths). This was in recognition of the increasing importance of these groups in society. A Traditional Executive Council acted as an executive body of the larger council. Two persons from existing traditional groups were called upon to sit on the Traditional Executive Council when it discussed matters with national administrative authorities.

 

The Fon’s Representative:

This position grew out of the HRH Galega II who as parliamentarian and member of the West Cameroon House of Chiefs, was often out of Bali. It became necessary to have someone available to make decisions on immediate issues and to receive visiting officials. This person also represented the Fon during the meetings of the Traditional Executive Council. During the reign of Galega II the position as a Dayebga Tita Nji III.

 

The ‘Minister’ of Palace Affairs:

This term has been coined to designate one of the palace functions that evolved out of practical need. Under the reign of Fonyonga II, the vast nature of his wealth made it necessary to have someone to oversee matters relating to his family and property. The monarch owned several herds of cattle, goats and sheep as well as extensive maize farms and raffia palm bushes. He had equally inherited a large family numbering between 300-400. Though the role of the Tita Sama had been designated to oversee the fon’s economic and personal business, under the reign of Fonyonga II this function became too complicated for one person. The postion first went to Tita Fokum and at the death of Fonyonga II, it passed on to Tita Kehdinga. When the latter died, the post became occupied by Tita Nukuna. As well as overseeing internal palace administration, he also gives out the princesses in marriage.

The Fon’s Secretary:

Individuals appointed to this postion, may not be title holders but may have been co-opted by the Fon to perform specific duties. This postion have variously been occupied by the later Alfred Dook, the late Alfred Diag, Vincet Nteh and also by Ndanjong. Though not originally titular nobles, through their association with the palace, they became very influential figures.

Religious and political institutions in Bali Nyonga

I. Religious Institutions

Voma

Originally a non royal institution, the Voma society is a male cult found in all Chamba kingdoms. Founded by Nah’ Nyonga, it was re-established in Bali Nyonga by Galega I in the 1860s when he succeeded Fonyonga I. Voma major annual celebrations at the end of the dry season in January or February to revoke the rains at the Voma shrine known as ‘dola’. The society performs rituals and ceremonies throughout the year, notably in October and in January-February when it celebrates the festival of ‘first fruits’ and the closing of the Voma year known as ‘vomnunga’a’. There are three Voma shrines in Bali: the Dola Ngu (Great shrine) found in Ntaiton, Dola Tsenye found at the Tsenye compound in Tilkali, and ‘Dola Tandsong’ found at Titanji compound. The Voma society is concerned with fertility rites and also fighting evil spirits. Its leaders were originally the fon’s guards and were thus given the title ‘nwana’ meaning guard. Subsequently the nwanas became kingmakers, a role which enhanced their political participation in Bali.

Appointments to the office of nwana were hereditary. Hence most successors of the original appointees continue to carry out functions attributed to their predecessors in the Voma society. It is organised hierarchically as follows:

Ba Nwana (Nwan-Billa)

Responsible for the burial, installation and initiation of the Fon into the secrets of Bali society and educating him on the art of government.  Tita Langa is the one responsible for anointing the Fon. There are 13 nwana positions, of which nine are the original nwana. Usually ordained in a special ceremony called “Ma we musu” or “Ma pob musun”.

Titawang’a Voma –Senior  members of  the Voma. May substitute the Nwana on certain ceremonies except the installation of the Fon. Title of Tikwanga also  given to war heads  who belong to the  Kom Ngong but do not have the protocol rank of Kom.

Bon Voma: Literally means ‘children of voma’. Composed of junior members of Voma society. Some are appointed by members of the voma society who want them to act as their valets. Others recruited for the ability of perform music. The initiation ceremony of the bon voma and Tikwanga’a voma is called ‘Ma lab voma’ or ‘Ma lab dola’.

Vom Keina-Literally means wives of voma.  They are nominated by the nwanas from the female members of their family. They could be the wife or the daughter of the nwana. They do not take part in the secret meetings but their major role is as choristers singing voma music during public appearances.

 

             Galega I set about reorganising the society by introducing members of the royal family into it and creating distributing functions as follows:

The Fon: Head

Gwanvoma: Adminstrative head in charge of day to day running of the society and overseeing public celebrations.

Tita Lang’a: Heads important rites administered by the Voma society.

Nwanyedla (Doh Nwana): Custodian of all Voma cult objects.

Nwan Vaksi: Representative of the blood royals to the voma society. 

Lamgwa: Officer in charge of smith works.

  Under Galega I’s reform, Tita Nji I, his first son was appointed Nwan Vaksi while Tita Nyagang, Tita Musing and Tita Ngo were also made leaders.

Subsequent reforms by Galega II saw Fogam (alias Fokejah) Tamombo Fufunjuh (alias Caspa) and Tita Labi elevated to the rank of nwana.

 

Lela

A royal institution which has the Fon as its head. With a membership that can only be gained through inheritance or through the appointment of the Fon, the Lela society is in charge of the lela shrine (Wolela) that is located at the centre of the dance piazza in front of the palace. Like the Voma, the Lela play a key role in the initiation of a new Fon. After the inauguration of the Fon he mounts the Wolela in a public ceremony. This indicates his acceptance by Lela. The Lela institution is also described as custodians of war medicine. Most of its senior members are also members of the Voma society eg Tita Langa (principal king maker) and Tita Nji (representative of the royal descendants). Prominent Lela members also ensure that the will of deceased monarch is respected and that the right heir was installed.

 

Sama

The Sama perform special duties during various Lela ceremonies. Though the positions within this group is hereditary (eg. Tita Langa’a, Tita Nji, Tita Fonkwa, Tita Yebid, Tita Sua, Tita Bamoh, Banyuga Gwanlima, Naaka, Tita Nukuna, Tita Nyagasa, Tita Doh Kundzuma, Fogakoh); the position of others co-opted into the group because of their knowledge of Lela music, is non-hereditary (eg Gwandi, Gwendzeng, Foyam, Trukang and Saila Fohtung). Such a position could however be inherited at the discretion of the Fon

 

Tutuwan

Appointed by the Fon on personal merit, the tutuwan are flag-bearers in the traditional and can be seen during the Lela festival standing near the two flags in a uniform. Their number vary from 2-3 plus 4 substitutes bringing their total to anything to 6 or 7. The head of the group is Tita Nyagang and he represents the Fon at the Lela stream during public ceremonies. He can be identified through the Dingwasa (an insignia composed of two spears) and the Dingsoga (a third spear) which he carries during the Lela ceremony. Tita Nyagang is also the head of the Gwei. The Tutuwans are not of royal decent and their positions are non-hereditary. In practice the Fons have tended to maintain the title within the same families.

 

Gwei and The Guards

Best describes as ‘spies who in public ceremonies who acted as fools or jesters’, the Gwei is traditionally a spying and security organisatio. They acted as spies to the Fon in pre-colonial times. Today their role is most visible during public festivals such as Lela where they act as scouts. As a rule, members are not of royal descent hence they are appointed by the Fon* (See personal note). Famous Gweis include Gwei Nchanyam, Gwei Pamuga, Gwei Tateh, Gwei Vadla and Gwei Mumbamti.

Owing to their non-royal origins, both the Gwei and Tutuwan do not take part during officiating exercises at the Wolela. (Today, it is common that many of the jesters who appear at the Lela ceremony are not appointed by the Fon, but simply dress themselves up and take up that role for the day. They usually lead the Lela parade out of and into the piazza. However, special individuals appointed by the Fon as special armed guards do not indulge in jesting.)

Tsinted  (Nstinted-Singular)

Miscellaneous groups of courtiers, military leaders, lobbyists, diplomats engaged in daily administration at the Fon’s palace. Members are appointed from among twins and families that were traditionally associated with the group. At the discretion of the Fon, some members can be appointed to the Lela or Voma Society.

Ranks within the Tsinted

kom Tsinted

Together with Tita Sikod, they are responsible for distributing gunpowder, food and doing other admin duties at the palace. There are four Kom Tsinted all of whom are hereditary titleholders and have reason to the rank of military commander (Tita).

Tita Foncham, Tital Fokum, Tita Mufut and Tita Fofam.

 

Bon Tsinted

These are mainly valets and men servants who serve at the palace. Many are twins and others are given by their families to serve at the palace. Some may become so important as to merit the rank of a Kom Ngong when the vacancy occurs.

 

Kom (Nkom-singular)

This institution exists in Bali Fondoms and is mainly a political institution whose members are appointed by the Fon from the population based on personal merit. They advise and inform the monarch on a range of issues. In bygone days the Nkom was a distinguished warrior and man of labour. Today they are people who have distinguished themselves through public services, community leadership, prosperity and fair-mindedness. The Kom are answerable to the Fon. They may settle disputes in their quarters or sit at judges at the traditional court. The Kom fall into two groups:

 

Kom Ba’ni or Kom Kwatat or Mkom Mfon

Hereditary title holders (i.e their predecessors were Kom as far back as during the reign of Fonyonga I). In order of their importance to protocol, these are: Tita Kuna, Tita Kunkah, Tita Gwandiku, Gwansenyam, Gwananji, Gwaabe, Gwandi. The use of Tita to precede the titles of the first three does not designate royal descent but is an emphasis of their leadership position.

Kom Ngong

Their origin can be traced to the reign of Fonyonga II. They are title holders appointed on personal merit by the Fon to assist in the running of public affairs. Their position may or may not be inherited by their descendant. This will depend on the qualities of the descendant. In practice, their titles have tended to be inheritable. 

In the reign of both the Kom Ngong and Kom Mfon have constituted themselves into Ndakum Bakom in order to encourage solidarity in public service.

 

Fonte’

These are sub-chiefs. Their origin lies in their role as sub chiefs of certain groups than joined the Balis as they migrated southwards. These sub-chiefs retained their title of Fo and paid allegiance to the Fon of Bali. Like the Kom, the Tstinted help the Fon in administrative duties in their respective quarters. Their role during the installation of the fon is limited to providing him with mystical powers he needs to undertake his royal duties. There are two groups of Fonte’ :

 

Fonte’ Bani

Sub-chiefs whose descendants were associated with Bali before the batter lf Bafufundong. They are five of them: Fombongjong (Fumujeng), Fo-kemban, Fo’ Tikali (Tikali), Fo-Ti (Ti-Gawolbe). The first two belong to Buti.

Fogako’ can also be added to this least and represent the Peli or Bali Nkohtan who were the first to occupy the present site of Bali Nyonga before the latter defeated them under the reign of Galega I.

 

Fonte’ Banten or Lolo

Those who came after the battle of Bafufudong. They are nine of them: Fo-Kundem, Fo-Ngiam, Fo-Samgwan, Fo-Won, Fo-Ngon, Fo-Sang, Fo-Fuleng, Fo-Set and Fomunyam

To following four are also added to the group: Fombelu, Fobossah, Fowock and Fombufong. These do not participate in ritual ceremonies but are represented by Fokunyang.

 

Ngumba

A relatively young organisation, this institution has its roots in the defunct Vomdzaana and Kwifon societies of the Banten allies. With a membership drawn mainly the children of the Fon’s female siblings (collectively known as Lekasiwaa or Bundzad), the Ngumba is an essential arm of the royal institution. Princes, the Fon’s brothers and half-brothers and all females are forbidden from membership. The Ngumba holds meetings at the Nted Ngumba and its head is called Tandangu (father of the house). The institution is undertakes peacekeeping and judiciary functions and is responsible for maintaining order during public ceremonies, instituting injunctions and enforcing the Fon’s decisions.

 

 

 

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